REDD as a mechanism to combat deforestation and climate change impacts in Darel and Tangir Valleys in Pakistan: A Review
REDD as a mechanism to combat deforestation and climate change impacts in Darel and Tangir Valleys in Pakistan: A Review
Introduction
Gilgit Baltistan previously named Northern Areas with an area of 72,496 sq kms is a Federally administered territory sharing borders with China and Afghanistan. The region where three highest mountain ranges (Karakoram, Himalya and Hidukush) converge is known for its spectacular geographical landscape, rocky and rugged mountains, glaciers, snow covered high mountain peaks including K2, Concordia and Nanga Parbat famous for international tourism and mountaineering. River Indus joined by many tributaries draining from inner valleys flow through the entire mountainous tract before entering into Tarbela reservoir in NWFP. Mixed dry temperate coniferous forests with pine, oak, juniper and scrub forests, rich high alpine flora, aromatic medicinal plants, wild ungulate species like Markhor, Ibex, Snow leopard, Brown bear, Blue sheep and Marco-Polo sheep make the region a biodiversity hotspot of immense national and global significance.
Khunjrab National Park north of Gilgit shares its borders with Qaxkargan National Park in China. Fragility of the mountain ecosystem, high altitudinal and climatic variability make Gilgit - Baltistan an excellent place to study the impacts of global climate change. Moreover, ethnic, lingual and cultural diversity of tribal population settled in distinct niches and remote valleys make it a unique geographical entity on planet earth. Its population thinly scattered over six administrative districts of Gilgit, Ghizar, Diamir and Astore in Gilgit Division, Skardu and Ghanche in Baltistan Division has surged to about 1.2 million in 2009 from 8,70,347 in 1998. Only 10 % population live in towns, remaining 90% population live in villages located in remote valleys.
Natural forests, legally classified as "protected" and "private" in Gilgit - Baltistan cover an area of 2,81,600 ha making 4% of the total land area. The private forests are mostly located in Chilas, Darel and Tangir valleys covering an area of 217,088 ha, remaining protected forests are scattered in small pockets in Astore (30,720 ha), 24,576 ha in Gilgit, Punial and Nagar, and 9,216 ha in Baltistan. The Forestry Sector Master Plan (FSMP, 1992) estimates 381,000 ha scrub forests in addition to natural forests which if included make the total forest cover as nine percent. Dry temperate forests comprising of Deodar, Kail, Chalghoza, Fir, Spruce, Oak and six Juniper species with scanty underground vegetation exist in pure and mixed stands adapted to very rugged terrain in remote valleys. Walnut, Birch and Taxus, Acer species have almost vanished from the natural forests due to over-exploitation and excessive grazing.
No land settlement has ever taken place in Darel and Tangir, even after partition in 1947.As such forests are not demarcated on ground, local tribal communities claiming defacto ownership of private and protected forests. During last two decades, these forests forming watersheds of Indus River, performing ecosystem functions and services as well as sustaining local livelihoods have been subject to ruthless deforestation through timber mafia. A recent National Forest and Range Resources Assessment Study (NFRRAS), 2004 conducted through Pakistan Forest Institute, Peshawar using satellite imageries has reported highest rate of -10% deforestation in Gilgit Baltistan during the period 1997-2002 as compared to other provinces.
Darel and Tangir Valleys
Darel and Tangir valleys contain the contiguous blocks of precious natural forests that are confronted with heavy socio-economic pressures and climate change impacts. The British called Indus River Valley below Chilas and its tributary valleys like Darel and Tangir as "Yagestan" land of the free. Traditional Silk route used by tradesmen of Central Asian countries and Buddhist missionaries during 4th century B.C. passed through Darel. Buddhist art carvings on big rock boulders along roads and remnants of a Bhuddist University still existing in Phuguch village in Darel thus depicting rich historic and archaeological significance of these areas. Most important villages of lower Darel include Gayal, Phuguch, Somigal Bala, Somigal Pain which are not densely forested. However, Upper Darel which comprises the villages of Manikiyala Bala, Manikiyala Pain, Padyal, Yehshoot have comparatively dense forests. Lower Darel does not receive snowfall whereas upper Darel receives heavy snow fall.
Darel and Tangir valleys which acceded to Paksitan in 1952 are very rich in water, pasture and forest resources. Fresh water from snowmelt in permanent snow fields,glaciers and alpine pastures flow through the entire length of these valleys. Most of the villages settled along river with rock terrace agriculture fields are primarily dependent on agro-pastoral farming system as source of livelihood supported by cash income from forests and horticulture crops walnut, cherry, apple, grapes, mulberry and apricots. Cultivation of potatoes and peas has recently picked up as a cash crop. The commissioning of 840 km Karakoram Highway in 1978 and development of valley link roads have opened remote villages to uninterrupted down country marketing networks, thus enhancing their household income, and facilitating easy procurement and transportation of food and other essential commodities from down country. In Tangir, it is fascinating to see a contiguous block of evergreen oak forest well protected by the villagers for green fodder during winter months. It is common to store dry grass and haystack over chopped branches of old trees. During summer (May onwards) tribal communities take their livestock to high pastures in Ko Nallah, Khanbari, Biaree Nallah, Chila Nallah etc and stay there for five months till end of October. Illiterate young boys and girls are mostly responsible for grazing of livestock in pastures.
In the absence of land settlement and boundary demarcation, local people in Darel and Tangir claim defacto ownership of the agriculture and forest lands. In Darel 80 to 90 % people have ownership while inTangir less than 50 % own private forests. As a thumb rule, the first settlers of this area are "Malikans" or owners of the forest, while those who migrated later on from other areas like Kohistan, Kashmir etc are not right holders. Generally the ethnic groups Shin, Yashkund and Kamin have ownership while in some areas Sayyeds also have ownership. The system of commercial harvesting of private forests in Daril and Tangir started in 1973 under working scheme which is basically a harvesting plan. A committee comprising of one member from each clan normally sells the forest to contractors. An agreement is drawn between the committee andthe contractor and endorsed by the Assistant/Deputy Commissioner. The system is not transparent as most of the time the Committee isblamed by the owners of taking commission from the contractor.
In private forests, marking of dry, dead, diseased and mature trees is conducted by the Forest Department under selection-cum-improvement working circle. After marking, the contractor would pay Royalty and Malkiana. Royalty, a type of fee on the extraction of timber from forests is realized from the contractor on converted timber. Once the converted timber reaches to a specified place or depot, theForest Officials do the measurements to estimate the royalty. The contractor then deposits the estimated amount in DFO's account and subsequently he releases the 50 % community share to Deputy/Assistant Commissioner for distribution to the communities, remaining 50 % is retained by the GBFD. At present. Royalty is Rs 40/cft for deodar, Rs 30/cft for Kail and Rs 19/cft for fir.and spruce. The rules of distributing Royalty is different in different areas. In some areas it is distributed among all the population (male, female and children). Yet in other areas royalty is distributed among male members only. But in most cases it is distributed among all the members of the population. In addtion to royaltyowners aslo get malikana. The malikana is fixed when the agreement is drawn between the owners commiittee and contractor. Malikana is determined on the basis of market rates of timber and it changes with the passage of time. Malikana is also paid on converted timber on per cft basis.Currently theaverage malikana isRs. 300 to 400/cubic feet for Deodar and it all goes to owners and forest department has nothing to do with it.
Informal discussions with the forest staff,of Chilas and Darel Tangir Forest Divisions at Babusar village on 26 7-2009 revealed that prior to 1988, the commercial exploitation under working schemes progressed well without any significant illegal damages to forests. After 1988 due to sectarian conflict in Gilgit - Baltistan and the subsequent imposition of ban on commercial harvesting of forests, illegal cutting of forests proceeded on a massive scale. Darel and Tangir being purely a Sunni religious sect, taking advantage of the weakness of civil administration and its inability to enforce writ of the government some of the influential community elders as owners of the private forests solicited support of timber contractors operating in whole sale timber market in Dargai Mandi and Swat and resorted to illegal cutting of forests. After massive illegal cutting of private forests in 1988, these unscrupulous contractors using corrupt practices were successful in getting the permission to release 0.3 million cft illegal timber and sell it in the Dargai timber market. This decision paved way and led to an unending process of illegal cutting of the private forests to the extent of 1.0 million cft in 1992, 3.00 million cft in 1998. Presently it is estimated that another 4.0 million illegally cut wood is awaiting decision for disposal.
Massive illegal cutting of forests from fragile upper Indus River catchments and dumping of illegal timber in scattered stacks all along the Karakoram highway from Chilas to Dasu in Indus Kohistan presents a pathetic scene to the incoming and outgoing tourists travelling on this road who are unable to understand the source of these timber supplies in the backdrop of desolated, sun scorched rocky mountains devoid of any vegetation. While the foot-prints of old civilizations that passed through these areas are preserved as art carvings on rocks, the foot prints of modern civilization are visible in the form of ruthless deforestation.
In the present situation, Gilgit- Baltistan Forest Department has become a defacto organization to promote the interests of the timber mafia rather than advance its basic mandate of the sustainable management of forests. The Department has no power or authority to take management decisions based on technical principles. Its territorial staff all the times remain entangled in illegal harvesting practices by the vested interests, all the year round, with no time to spend in the forests contributing towards forest protection, conservation and natural regeneration. All the year round, FD staff remains busy in illegal harvesting practices by the vested interests, and in making inventories of the illegally wood dumped in desolate roadside depots all over the Karakoram highway and hauled all the way down from once dense lush green forests in Thore, Thack, Hudor, Khiner and other valleys. If the Gilgit-Baltistan Forest Department is delegated the authority to manage the private and protected forests in NA, then it would require capacity building and institutional strengthening through induction of additional staff for better management planning and technical decision making.
The prevailing notion that primitive tribal communities in Darel and Tangir are responsible to illegally cut and sell their forests to earn their livelihood is not true. The concept of conservation is not alien to tribal culture. They have been living in these areas since centuries and are quite aware of the importance of natural assets and their vulnerabilities. About 95 % of the communities owning these forests are not involved in the massive deforestation. There appears a trust-deficit between the local communities and the owners. As per customary law and the 1952 accession deed, all forests in Darel and Tangir are the property of the communities and not the government, this needs to be honored in true letter and spirit. Given the existing uncertain situation, and continuous ban on commercial harvesting, the best way of managing these forests is to involve custodian communities in their management. This would require a new legal and regulatory framework that empowers local communities to be at the forefront of decision making process related to all aspects of forest management, protection, conservation, natural regeneration and commercial exploitation. Gilgit Baltistan Forest Department has neither the capacity nor the authority to enforce proper management and governance of the natural forests. Local communities owning these forests have to be made part of the decision making processes
Summary
Private, dry temperate forests in Diamir district in Gilgit Baltistan as per 1952 Accession Deed are the property of the local communities with technical management assigned to the Forest Department. Prior to 1988, commercial exploitation of these forests under working schemes (a sort of harvesting plan) progressed well without any massive cutting except for local bonafide uses. After 1988, sectarian conflicts in the region weakened law enforcement and governance by the line agencies including Forest Department. This together with the imposition of ban on commercial harvesting induced timber contractors to resort to massive illegal cutting in connivance with few community owners, and then manipulating its release from the Federal Government.
As climate change is unfolding severe impacts on water, agriculture, biodiversity, and the many other factors that provides a basis for people to survive in such climatically vulnerable areas, consolidated efforts are needed at local, regional and global levels to protect total disappearance of remaining forests. The first policy step at national level towards this would be to stop disposal policies of illegal timber issued by the Federal Government that have helped the forest contractors and a minor fraction of community elites to become the key drivers of massive deforestation.
Forests and biodiversity resources in Gilgit Baltistan are important natural assets of national and global significance because of species richness and their strategic location in a very unique geologic setting. This makes these areas as open biological laboratories for not only testing the impact of climate change but apply innovative global financial mechanisms like REDD, PES to generate continuous flow of global benefits and improve the socio-economic conditions of the local communities. As majority of community forest owners (95%) are not benefitting from the massive deforestation which is being pocketed by forest lessees, middlemen and government officials or goes to government exchequer, there is an apparent community readiness in some areas to forgo their demand for commercial exploitation if some compensation mechanisms like PES, REDD are introduced. Other related interventions aiming at reducing the dependence of local communities on forests include: development of alternate energy resources, income generation through skills enhancement, investment on social sectors like education, health, poverty and other local area development initiatives integrated in the overall development plan specific to these areas. However, the promotion of novel financial mechanisms like REDD, PES etc at landscape level would require capacity building of many institutions and stakeholders at the national and local levels.
References
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